A New Federal Role in Economic Recovery

My post on fundamental assumptions generated some good discussion which began waxing economic in flavor. As part of that discussion I had a new idea about a more reasonable approach the federal government could take to soften economic hard times without outright manipulating our expectations of reality as they do now.

I should start by clarifying my perspective on what the federal government does and what is economically realistic. Economic realism insists that we recognize the inevitability of economic downturns. They are going to happen. Unfortunately the assumption at the federal level seems to be that we must strive for perpetual economic growth – we might tolerate one or two quarters of a mild contraction but anything beyond that is unacceptable. As proven by our significant and now two year old recession sometimes the economy needs to undergo a much harsher adjustment – especially after the government has been pumping the supposedly healthy market with perpetual stimulus for years. (I know, they have not called anything they did stimulus until the stimulus bill in early 2008.)

Personally I think a better approach to the federal government smoothing the rough spots out would be to establish a baseline – let’s say 5% unemployment – where any state meeting that baseline would not receive any federal economic assistance to combat unemployment. Then they would look a the spread between the unemployment rate of various states and be allowed to give economic aid to any state with at least 5% higher unemployment than the state with the lowest unemployment. The upper limit of that aid would be equal to 1/3 of the difference in unemployment between the higher of 5% and the unemployment rate of the state with the lowest unemployment with the limitation that government aid cannot help one state leapfrog another. Let’s show what that would mean with current (October 2009) numbers.

The state with the lowest unemployment is North Dakota at 4.2% so any state with more than 9.2% unemployment could get aid from the federal government to help lower their unemployment. For the October 2009 numbers that would mean that only 21 states could get any federal assistance rather than having the federal government trying to jump start the economies of all 50 states. Of those 21 states Arizona, Missouri, and Washington (at 9.3% unemployment) could receive aid equal to 0.3% of their respective economies (they would not be allowed to leapfrog Idaho and new York which have 9% unemployment and cannot receive this federal aid because they are within 5% unemployment of North Dakota’s unemployment rate). In fact, 12 of the 21 states would receive enough aid to bring them equal to the 9% unemployment rate of Idaho and New York because that would be less than 1/3 of the difference between their actual unemployment rates and the magical 5% unemployment. At the other end of the scale Michigan, with the highest unemployment would have their rate cut below 12% from their current 15.1%.

If every state had unemployment rates over 5% the new benchmark would be the lowest unemployment rate of any state. If we imagine that lowest unemployment rate was 6.5% (adjusting all states up to 6.5% and leaving states with higher unemployment where they are) only states with unemployment over 11.5% would receive aid, six states in all, and only Michigan would get the full 1/3 of the difference between their rate and the base rate of 6.5% (leaving them with 12.2% unemployment).

If all states were below 5% unemployment or if they were all clustered between 3.5% and 8.5% unemployment then the federal government would not give unemployment assistance to any of the states. If anyone is curious to see them, I have all my numbers in a spreadsheet that you can download.

The fact is that of the economy of the entire nation is slumping then no government program can provide a solid foundation to real economic growth – all it can do is produce the illusion of economic stability. Real economic growth can only be build on fundamental economic change, not on the illusion of stability provided by printing money and manipulating interest rates. While committed free marketers would likely hate my proposal just like they hate the current government intrusions in the economy and while those who don’t object to socialism will find my suggestions very harsh on downtrodden regions of the nation, I think that my idea is much better at providing a cushion for the hardest hit areas while allowing the economy to shrink or grow towards whatever the realities of our national economy are which the government tries so hard to mask right now as if our perceptions were the only economic reality worth considering.

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What Are Your Fundamental Assumptions?


photo credit: quarksteilchen

In the midst of a recent comment the author revealed a fundamental assumption that he and I don’t share that clearly explains why we have differing views on government:

Federal mandates are about the only power the government has to prevent a race to the bottom. . . THE only way to get some states to do what needs to be done is to simply mandate it. The race to the bottom has got to end.

I should start by saying that federal mandates truly are the only power that government has to prevent a race to the bottom – also that I don’t think such mandates are sufficient to prevent such a race (in other words government is powerless to stop that race). After exploring the assumptions that serve as the foundation for that statement about a race to the bottom I quickly concluded that I could not accept that view of the world for myself.

The view that government must use federal mandates to prevent a race to the bottom seems to be built on the belief of Thomas Hobbes that people are basically selfish and evil. People who act as Hobbes expects will naturally engage in a race to the bottom on any issue. It is possible to believe that states will engage in a race to the bottom while still thinking the people are not basically selfish but to hold that combination of beliefs requires a belief that politics is basically corrupt and that it is mainly those who would engage in a race to the bottom who hold public office.

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A Fundamental Difference Between Conservatives and Progressives


photo credit: Marcin Porwit

Late in October a comment by Jason sparked my brain to recognize a subtle but fundamental difference between conservatives and progressives. Perhaps it should have been obvious simply by comparing the definitions for “conservative” and “progressive” but the implications seem to be  both subtle and profound.

The word “conservative” can be reduced to essentially seeking to maintain a static foundation. The word “progressive” can be reduced to essentially seeking to promote change from the status quo. Notice that, contrary to what some people believe, progressive and conservative are not antonyms. There are times when change from the status quo may be towards an earlier static foundation, but I think it is obvious why these two views would generally not be in harmony with each other.

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Return of the Food Tax

Curtis Haring is concerned about the possibility that the state legislature will reinstate the food tax that they repealed all too recently. Considering that the state is facing a budget shortfall in the neighborhood of 3/4 of a Billion dollars, it is a very legitimate concern for Curtis and a very legitimate consideration for the legislature.

I wish that I could provide a link to the poll Curtis cited showing that 68% of Republican political insiders who favor bringing back the tax on unprepared food. (Curtis has now provided the link to that poll – thanks.) On the other hand I can provide a link to a report from Senator John Valentine stating that Governor Herbert has submitted a budget devoid of any tax increases. I hope that budget is also free of numerous fee increases, but either way I recognize that it is the legislature and not the Governor who will ultimately pass a budget bill to deal with the shortfall.

Amazingly, amid his criticism of what he expects out of the Republican legislature, Curtis fails to mention even a hint of disappointment with Democrats despite his acknowledgment that the same poll showed that 81% of Democratic political insiders favored reinstating the food tax. (With the link to the poll Curtis also provided the correction that 81% of Democratic political insiders are against reinstating the food tax.) While I hold out hope that the food tax will stay dead, based on what Senator Valentine said about the Governors proposed budget, I am absolutely confident that if the food tax returns it will be the result of the democratic super-minority in the legislature being unwilling to make necessary cuts along with a good chunk of Republican legislators who do not have strong principles against government control of virtually everything. It will be the Democrats and these semi-principled Republicans who are unwilling to make unpleasant cuts in waste and some not-truly-critical programs who force the return of the food tax if it does come back to life.

Looking forward to the next legislative session I would give at least 50% odds that the food tax returns to Utah. If it does, I hope that final suggestion that Curtis makes – that any tax increases (and I would add fee increases) in the budget have a sunset clause built in so that the legislature is required to revisit those increases as the economy recovers in the next couple of years – is attached to the budget bill that finally passes.

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2074 Pages of Loopholes

With Thanksgiving weekend behind us all politically interested people can look forward to the Senate opening work on the healthcare bill. According to Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid:

. . . senators {will} work on weekends if necessary to hammer out compromises on thorny issues like a government-run insurance plan, abortion coverage and holding down costs.

“The next few weeks will tell us a lot about whether senators are more committed to solving problems or creating them,” Reid said.

I make no pretense that I have abandoned my day job and any semblance of a life to read through the entire 2074 pages of H.R. 3590 but I have read through the entire 13 page index of the bill and looked up a number of sections that either looked interesting or concerning to me. Of course my first question is how will this affect my health insurance situation (that may give some insight into the 12 sections I reviewed). The real question in this debate is whether there will be anyone who takes the time in the coming weeks (according to the story linked above we may expect up to 3 weeks of debate) to read the entire bill and break down what it actually means for consumers and the nation – going beyond the party-line soundbites that we will no doubt be subjected to constantly through the media for as long as the debate lasts.

After reading through my chosen sections I found seven that were interesting enough for me to write about them. (For anyone who is curious, there are approximately 350 sections to the bill – 50 times what I am doing today.) I will review them in the order they appear in the bill.
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Of Big Tents and Purity

It’s a busy holiday time so I’ll spend more time quoting and less time expounding. Back in May, Jim DeMint expressed the very opinion I still hold about How Republicans Can Build a Big-Tent Party by holding to one key principle:

There is a question Republicans do need to ask: What is it that binds our party together?

. . . Moderate Republicans are right to remind conservatives that they cannot build a center-right coalition without the center part. And conservatives are right to remind moderates that Republicans only succeed when we rally around clear principles.

The real mistake is that Republicans became more concerned with staying in D.C. than reforming it.

Despite notable successes at both ends of Pennsylvania Ave., it seems to me that Republicans in Congress and in the Bush administration forgot a simple truth. To paraphrase C.S. Lewis, if you aim for principled reform, you win elections in the bargain; if you just aim for elections, you get neither.

No Child Left Behind didn’t win us “soccer moms,” but it did cost us our credibility on locally controlled education. Medicare prescription drugs didn’t win us a “permanent majority,” but it cost us our credibility on entitlement reform. Every year, another Republican quality was tainted: managerial competence, fiscal discipline and personal ethics.

To win back the trust of the American people, we must be a “big tent” party. But big tents need strong poles, and the strongest pole of our party — the organizing principle and the crucial alternative to the Democrats — must be freedom.

(emphasis mine)

We’ve been discussing the ideas of purity, conservatism, inclusiveness, and intra-party division a lot in the last few months. I believe, along with many of you, that holding to principle and being inclusive are not mutually exclusive goals. There must be strong poles to hold the tent up, or to put it another way, there must be something in the tent that makes people want to enter. I agree with Senator DeMint that freedom would be a very enticing offering – but we have to find a way to articulate the vision of freedom and not allow the message to by framed in negative terms by those who disagree with our vision.

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Thanks for Great Comments

One of my favorite parts of blogging is getting comments and discussion. I really like the tone of discussion that we have here, and sometimes I get comments that really make an impression on me. I finally decided to find a way to show those “best of the best” comments so that people who may have missed a particular conversation can see the great contributions made by others to our various discussions.

I’m using a plugin called Best-Of Comments to display those comments I select in the sidebar with a link back to the original comment. Feel free if you see a great comment to go add to the discussion, even if it seems to have ended.

Think of it as a way for me to say “thanks” for everything that all of you add to this site.

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A Short-Term Vision of “Purity”


photo credit: David Reeves

It’s never safe to focus so much on the present that we lose sight of the future. This seems to be what is happening with the push by some to codify a purity test within the GOP. If you have not heard about this I would sum it up like so – there is a resolution before the Republican National Committee which would prevent them from giving financial backing to a candidate that did not support at least 7 of the following ten principles:

(1) We support smaller government, smaller national debt, lower deficits and lower taxes by opposing bills like Obama’s “stimulus” bill;

(2) We support market-based health care reform and oppose Obama-style government run health care;

(3) We support market-based energy reforms by opposing cap and trade legislation;

(4) We support workers’ right to secret ballot by opposing card check;

(5) We support legal immigration and assimilation into American society by opposing amnesty for illegal immigrants;

(6) We support victory in Iraq and Afghanistan by supporting military-recommended troop surges;

(7) We support containment of Iran and North Korea, particularly effective action to eliminate their nuclear weapons threat;

(8) We support retention of the Defense of Marriage Act;

(9) We support protecting the lives of vulnerable persons by opposing health care rationing and denial of health care and government funding of abortion; and

(10) We support the right to keep and bear arms by opposing government restrictions on gun ownership.

I am amazed that the people backing this proposal do not see how short-sighted this effort is. I believe that their efforts are sincere, but sorely misguided, as they seek to define the GOP in a way that is more concrete than “not the democrats.”

Without going into specifics I am basically in favor of principles such as those outlined above, and the fact that the resolution only requires 70% support for those principles to receive party support is proof that they are not trying to weed all but the staunchest conservatives from the party (especially since they do not specify any subset of the principles which demands 100% conformity).

The shortsightedness is evident in the specific references such as “Obama’s ‘stimulus’ bill,”, “Obama-style government run health care, ” and “victory in Iraq and Afghanistan” (or maybe they are just admitting that this is a perpetual project).

I believe that there is value in talking about what defined ideological purity within the party – we certainly need to have some idea about who we are in order to be able to identify what the party has to offer voters but this particular proposal is significantly too blunt an instrument to benefit the party. Without any extended study of exactly the best way forward for the party I have a few suggestions, based on the existing proposal, for an approach that would be more likely to make things better rather than worse.

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Stretching Our TARP


photo credit: wolfheadfilms

When the TARP bill was first being discussed I made a statement that I would like to repeat about the TARP money:

[T]his should not be used as a windfall by Congress to fund some pet projects.

We have come to the point now where Congress is faced with the question of whether to extend the program past the initial time of authorization. From the earliest versions of the bill (not including the 3 page version written by Sec. Paulson) to the final version the program was authorized only until 2009 with the option for Congress to extend it as far as two years from the day it was enacted (October 10, 2010 being that two year mark). Faced with the reality of this first deadline there are people who are absolutely opposed to those members of Congress who have indicated a desire to not extend the program.

I stand by my response to what I called “my favorite section” of that first version of the bill:

Of course I won’t hold my breath that it will die in two years or less.

Indeed, Sec. Geithner testified before Congress yesterday that:

he would not support a permanent extension of the program, but . . .

(emphasis added)

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Do the Utah Lake Bridge Right

I agree with the sentiment in this Deseret News article that the environmental impacts of proposed Utah Lake bridge should be discussed.

{Sam} Rushforth has been studying at {Utah Lake} for 35 years and said there needs to be an Environmental Impact Study (EIS) conducted while the bridge over the lake is being considered.

Those who have read here long enough know that I am in favor of building a bridge over the lake and even if I weren’t I think it is inevitable in the long run. The argument that a bridge over the lake will bring more growth to Utah county is laughable – the growth is coming either way. One comment on the article says that a bridge is not necessary with the arrival of the new roads under construction through Lehi on the north end of the lake. Having lived in Lehi and worked on Main Street there I am absolutely convinced that no matter how much road they build there it will be congested very quickly with the ever increasing demand of the growing populations in the area – a bridge will make a significant impact on commute time.

Having said all of that, my support of building a bridge does not interfere with my belief that doing an EIS is absolutely imperative in order to do it right. I would consider such a study to be the very least in the way of due diligence on the part of those who want to build a bridge.

Since I no longer live in Utah County, I no longer have a vested interest in the outcome of this debate like I once did. I consider myself to be a relatively informed and now more objective observer and long term I am certain that the bridge, if it is done right, will be a benefit to Utah County residents and possibly to the lake itself. I urge all those who are actively discussing this issue to not rush their decisions – simply throwing up some steel girders and a wide slab of concrete would be a travesty but doing nothing or putting off bridge planning until it becomes truly critical would be foolhardy.

Start now.Take your time. Do it right.

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